Party Politics in Media in Nepal

Diwakar Pyakurel
1. Introduction
Multiparty politics and independence of press both are inseparable parts of today's democracy. They both together contribute to strengthen democratic values and practices. However, the relationship between political parties and media / press sector is quite complex and interesting.
Wikipedia, the free Encyclopedia defines, "A political party is a political organization that typically seeks to influence government policy, usually by nominating their own candidates and trying to seat them in political office. Parties participate in electoral campaigns, educational outreach or protest actions."
The Legal Dictionary of "The Free Dictionary Dot Com" defines 'freedom of the press' as, "The right, …to gather, publish, and distribute information and ideas without government restriction; this right encompasses freedom from prior restraints on publication and freedom from Censorship." Thus, press freedom also includes the environment also free from any political interference. In this respect, involvement of party politics in media is regarded as an intrusion to press freedom. In principles, political biasness of any media or any journalist is never acceptable.
However, as in various sectors of social lives, practices are deviated from the principles. Frequently political parties are seen to be involving in controlling media and manipulating the messages. In Nepal too, party politics in media is an apparent phenomena. That can be seen in different forms.
2. Forms of political involvement in media in Nepal
I) Journalists' organizations with political face
In Nepal, there are many organizations of journalists, which are well known for their political identity. For example, Nepal Press Union is backed by Nepali Congress, Press Chautari Nepal by CPN - UML and Revolutionary Journalists Association (Krantikari Patrakar Sangh) by UCPN Maoists. These organizations don't claim themselves to be sister organizations of respective political parties, neither do the parties call them formal sister organizations. However, we can easily know them from their programs and activities. Some of the most common programs by these groups are to organize press meetings when a leader from respective party visits districts, and provide the platform for the leader to interact with journalists in the district. Besides, they become more active to serve its "mother party", when the party has some grand programs like general conventions to foster media coverage of such programs.
II) Media run by political parties
Besides their authentic mouthpieces, political parties in Nepal are believed to be running other media as well to disseminate their ideas. It is most commonly seen in weekly tabloids. No matter they claim themselves to be objective, they have specific group of readers with specific political ideology and thus, their political ideology is a kind of an "open secret". For example, 'Chhalphal', 'Dristi' and 'Budhabar' are near CPN UML, though the party has its authentic mouthpiece, 'Navayug'. Similarly, 'Tarun', 'Sanghu' etc are near Nepali Congress. Moreover, different fractions of a single party have different outlets and they compete for larger readership. Not only big parties, small parties also have newspapers to spread their agendas.
III) Political panel during FNJ elections
Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ) is the "umbrella organization" of Nepalese journalists, and it works for rights of journalists and media without political discrimination. However, its members are elected from political panels. During general convention of the body, the above discussed journalists' associations with political face form their separate panel and run for election. Nevertheless, FNJ doesn't acknowledge political affiliation of its candidates formally. In the last FNJ convention (May 2011), Press Chautari and Krantikari Patrakar Sangh had a common "progressive" panel, whereas Nepal Press Union had its own "democratic" panel. Besides, there were some "independent" candidates, however in comparison to politically allied panels, they seemed far weaker.
IV) Political appointment
In Press Council, the governing body of media freedom and responsibilities too, executive members of the board including the chairperson are appointed politically. Article 4 (1) of Press Council Act, 1992 says, "The Council shall be an autonomous and corporate body having perpetual succession." However, the sixth article of the same act provisions for political appointment, that government is free to appoint people form the sector of law or journalism as it wishes. It has been tradition that the government has been appointing the chairperson and members, only those who support the governing party.
Besides, the Government of Nepal own and runs many media houses, namely Gorkhapatra Samsthan, Radio Nepal and Nepal Television, and a news agency Rastriya samachar Samiti (RSS). In these houses too, office bearer executives and other members are directly appointed by Minister of Information and Communications.

3. Political affiliation of journalists: Accusations and defences
I) Accusations
Because objectivity and balance are two of the basic components of media ethics, there are many critics who can't tolerate party politics in media, including political affiliation of journalists. They opine that it brings biasness in their profession, and they might favour one side whereas criticizing another even in news.
Nirmala Mani Adhikary, Assistant Professor of Journalism at Kathmandu University, who has written dozens of books in media, says, "Whenever journalists do politics, or politicians do journalism, it hampers both sectors." For him, political biasness results in decrease of accuracy, balance, creativity and objectivity, which are in deed prime responsibilities of a journalist.
IN the same way, P Kharel, Chairperson of Nepal Press Institute and the first professor of Journalism in Nepal, opines that Nepali journalism is yet to be professional. In addition to many reasons, "... there has been 'Party Journalism' in Nepal. It is more on weekly tabloids, in comparison to broadsheet dailies", he says.
II) Defences
No one ever openly acknowledges that political involvement of journalists is positive. Even those who are involved in politically-backed journalists' associations too don't accept the accusations that they are promoting party politics in media. However, they defend themselves as saying that every one has political ideology, and it is fundamental human rights as well. So, journalists too are free to choose and express whatever political stream they like.
However, Nirmala Mani says that there lies a great difference between having a political belief and practicing politics itself. Thus, though journalists are allowed to keep their beliefs, as they too are human beings; they can't practice politics at the same time being a journalist.
4. Conclusion
As of everything, involvement of party politics in journalism (or journalism's involvement in part politics) has both positive and negative sides. However, in consideration of well-established global journalistic norms and values, political affiliation of journalists and media can't be considered acceptable, since it endanger objectivity, neutrality and objectivity of journalists. Of course, they are free to keep and follow whatever belief they like. But they should always be careful and cautious so that there beliefs doesn't have any negative influence in their professionalism.

What experts say about status of Press Freedom after the 2006 Movement ?

We have interviewed some experts on what they think about the status of Press Freedom in Nepal after 2006 Movement. We are specially thankful to :
Professor P Kharel, President, Nepal Press Institute
Ram Krishna Regmi, Professor, Kantipur City College
Rajendra Dahal, Senior Journalist, Press Advisor of President
Bishnu Nishthuri, President AJA Nepal, Former President FNJ
Guna Raj Luitel, Associate Editor, Nagarik Daily
Shreeram Singh Basnet, Chief Editor, RSS


Achievements
Legal provision allowing FMs to broadcast news freely
Constitutional guarantee for press freedom; no restriction. (In past there used to be restriction as “you shouldn’t write on Royal Family” etc.)
Establishment of High Level Media Commission, provision of implementing Working Journalist Act, Permanent Information Commission, activation of Press Council, simplification on discerning and renewal of radio, out numbered T V channels etc
Increase of trained professionals
Editors' sphere of autonomy not disturbed
Decreasing tendency of political biasness

Obstructing Forces
Sister organizations of major political parties, mainly organizations of party-affiliated journalists like Press Union and Press Chautari.
Militant groups (especially in Terai belt)
Advertisers’ influence over media
Impunity, political biasness

Responsibility and obstructions
Party interest influence in pro-govt. media and Press Council.
Provision of government fund to party journalism.
Commercial view point: profit prior to service.
Crime, politics and glamour dominating social and development issues.
FMs generally depend upon newspapers, rarely attribute sources.
Advertisers’ influence: the major obstruction for responsibility is media persons' fear of advertisers.
In overall, Broadsheets more responsible than tabloids

Problems
The Code of Conduct for Journalists by Press Council is still not comprehensive.
Political affiliation of journalists obstructs fairness, objectivity and responsibility.
Popular weeklies known to be mouthpieces political parties.
Cases of abductions, murders of mediapersons.
Impunity and self-censorship.
No proper execution of laws and orders.
Political instability suffers media.

Effects to be taken
Constitutional guarantees in a proper way on upcoming constitution.
Impunity should be discouraged.
Depoliticization of media professional organizations.
Depoliticization in pro-governmental media and Press Council.
Freedom of media professional organizations from pro-government economic influence.
Political stability, and commitments.
Responsibility: from the side of media and journalists
Formation or amendment of necessary laws and effective implementation of them.
Local media should give priority to local issues.
Professional competition among media.

To conclude
Press and Loktantra have been two sides of a same coin. If press is weak, Loktantra is weak; and vice versa.
Politicians need to express their commitments and act accordingly for free and responsible press.
Politicians need to take advices from genuine experts before taking any decisions on press issues.
Loktantrik Aandolan focused more on political changes than in media sector.
Nepali media today is the freest in South Asia, but ironically it is least professional.
Overall the situation is on the way of improvements; and our future in the sector is better.

(The major part of a presentation by Sagarmatha College BA 2nd year students at a seminar held on 15 August.)

Threats to journalists and media in the last two months

Chairperson of Tulsipur FM (100.2 MHz), Devi Prasad Dhital ‘Hemraj ‘was shot dead by an unidentified group on July 22 in Dang.
Pramod Sah, the director of Radio Janakpur, was thrashed and injured by an unidentified gang at his residence in Janakpur onJuly 18.
The continuous threats issued to Nepalgunj Bureau Chief of Kantipur National Daily, J Pandey by Terai Janatantrik Party-Madhesh in Banke over the issue of news coverage. Journalist Pandey was repeatedly threatened of taking his life through phone calls and press conference over the news coverage entitled 'Five workers abducted' in July 7 edition of Kantipur.
Activists of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPN—Maoist) vandalized the office of the far western Dhangadi-based Sudursandesh daily on July 5 for allegedly publishing anti-Maoist materials.

Keshav Bohora, a Nepalese radio journalist working with Radio Mandavi, Pyuthan was released on July 1 after more than 30 hours abduction by an unidentified gang reportedly for the news coverage on land dispute.
Murari Prasad Pokharel, District Forest Officer (DFO), of Sindhupalchok abused several journalists on June 27, for their coverage of a news.  He was allegedly involved in releasing Chinese national, who was arrested with red sandalwood and orchids and was released by the District Court on a mere fine of Rs. 15,000.  
Holding one thousand metric tones of newsprint imported by the Kantipur Publication at Kolkata port of India for the 26 days by Indian authorities.
Two unidentified armed men on June 14 attempted to shoot Mohan Gole, Udayapur correspondent of Rastriya Samachar Samiti (RSS), at Hariharpur in Dhanusha. According to the police, unidentified assailants opened fire on him while he was riding his motorcycle but one of the shots hit the visor of his helmet while another missed him completely. 
(Collected from http://www.nepalpressfreedom.org/content/, official website of Freedom Forum)

Status of Press Freedom in Nepal after Janaandolan II

“The legal environment in Nepal for the press has improved significantly since the April 2006 uprising, and several restrictive measures were repealed shortly after Parliament was restored. The interim constitution provides for press freedom and specifically prohibits censorship, although these rules can be suspended during an emergency. Authorities are barred from closing or cancelling the registrations of media outlets due to content.”- Freedom House
>Our Score on Freedom
Overall Freedom
Freedom House measures Freedom in Nepal as “Partly Free”. Nepal has scored 4 on both Political Rights and Civil Liberties, while 1 representing the highest level of freedom and 7 representing the lowest level of freedom. (2010)

Press Freedom
Freedom House measures Freedom of the Press in Nepal as “Partly Free” with total score of 57, while 0 means the best and 100 means the worst. (2009)
Freedom House evaluates…
The law guarantees freedom of the press, and Nepalese media were active and provided diverse views in 2008, but a number of threats to media freedom remain.
While the 2007 Freedom of Information Act (FIA) has generally been met with enthusiasm by press freedom groups, there were several reports in 2008 of journalists being denied access to government information.
The FNJ reported 342 press freedom violations in 2008, and noted a rise in the number of attacks on journalists that went unpunished. Supporters of political parties regularly threatened or attacked critical journalists.
The International Press Institute reported 63 instances of press violations in the two months prior to CA elections. Journalists were denied transportation permits to cover certain election events, and security officials reportedly threatened local media groups for reporting on election-related violence. In several cases, activists with the Young Communist League (YCL), which is affiliated with then Communist Party of Nepal–Maoist (CPN-M), threatened or attacked journalists for publishing negative stories about their party. In one case, CPN-M supporters in Kaski kidnapped a journalist following critical coverage. Other political parties and the Armed Police Force were also responsible for violence and intimidation during the campaign.
The southern Terai region remained a hostile environment for journalists.

(The first part of the presentation by Sagarmatha College BA 2nd year students at a seminar held on 14 August).